Migration in the Western Hemisphere has undergone a remarkable evolution in recent decades. What was once a conversation between the countries of origin of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) and the receiving countries of the North, has become a complex issue that affects almost all countries in the region. The change in migration patterns has been most pronounced since the early 2010s, when political and economic crises, as well as natural disasters, displaced millions from Venezuela and hundreds of thousands from northern Central America, Cuba, and Haiti.
As a result, almost every country in the Americas is experiencing an increase in the number of immigrants, many of whom arrive as asylum seekers or in need of humanitarian support, sometimes including large numbers of unaccompanied minors. The COVID-19 pandemic and uneven immigrant integration mechanisms have further contributed to the rise in northward migration, with the US-Mexico border experiencing record numbers of unauthorized immigrants in 2022.
Venezuelans make up the largest group of displaced migrants in the region, with approximately 7.4 million displaced since 2015, and it is estimated that more than a third of them are currently in Colombia. Haitians have also been migrating to countries in the region since the 2010 earthquake, with many settling in the United States, the Dominican Republic, Chile, and Brazil. Cuban immigrants have been leaving their country due to its political and economic situation, and many go to the United States and other countries in the region. Since the 2018 political crackdown in Nicaragua, around 200,000 Nicaraguans have applied for asylum in Costa Rica, with some fleeing to Panama and the United States.
Different countries in the region have diverse immigrant populations, with Colombia being the country that hosts the largest immigrant population due to the arrival of Venezuelans, while immigrants from the United States represent two-thirds of all immigrants in Mexico.
There are subregional mobility agreements that have made migration more fluid and easier to manage, such as the CSME, the Mercosur Residence Agreement, the CA-4 agreement, and the Andean Community mobility agreement.
Government responses to new arrivals have varied, with most countries offering legal status to displaced Venezuelans through their asylum system, regular visa channels, or regional mobility agreements. However, legal status is often temporary and may not provide full access to the job market. Haitians have faced more explicit hostility and Nicaraguans have received more support from Costa Rica, though the government has made its asylum system more restrictive. Mexico has extended both asylum protections and humanitarian visas to arriving migrants, but they often face administrative barriers to long-term inclusion in Mexican society.
Many immigrants who have professional skills find themselves in low-paying positions despite attempts by some countries to provide legal pathways and education for integration into the labor market and society.
Governments are trying to balance controlling their borders, building legal pathways and developing protection systems, but often they prioritize one or two priorities over others. Despite lacking recent experience with mass migration, these countries have shown openness and pragmatism in handling the situation.

In response to the growing number of countries facing migration and humanitarian protection in the Western Hemisphere, multiple regional forums have been established. These include sub-regional agreements on mobility, the Quito Process, the Inter-Agency Coordination Platform for Venezuelan Refugees and Migrants (R4V), and the Regional Conference on Migration between countries in North and Central America and the Regional Conference on Migration in South America. . The 2022 Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection, to which 21 countries have committed, highlights the need for international cooperation to address the challenges of integrating displaced populations. While challenges remain, the increased focus on migration presents an opportunity for governments to develop effective mobility policies, institutions, and management throughout the hemisphere

*This is a summary of the article-> In a Dramatic Shift, the Americas Have Become a Leading Migration Destination by By Andrew Selee, Valerie Lacarte, Ariel G. Ruiz Soto, Diego Chaves-González, María Jesús Mora, and Andrea Tanco

In short, Venezuela has become an increasingly important strategic foothold for the projection of Russian influence in the Americas. Although the Venezuelan regime is far from being an ideal or stable partner, Moscow is willing to turn a blind eye to its unsavory nature as long as there is a pragmatic transactional opportunity to position itself in such a pivotal beachhead. Accordingly, considering the depth of its involvement in Venezuela, a regime change in Caracas ‒ either through a coup d’état, civil war or a “colour revolution” ‒ would be detrimental for Moscow’s regional geopolitical agenda and a setback for its reputation as an effective protector of its beleaguered allies. By Jose Miguel Alonso-Trabanco. Full Text -> GeoPoliticalMonitor.

Traducción de cortesía -> En resumen, Venezuela se ha convertido en un punto de apoyo estratégico cada vez más importante para la proyección de la influencia rusa en las Américas. Aunque el régimen venezolano está lejos de ser un socio ideal o estable, Moscú está dispuesto a hacer la vista gorda ante su naturaleza desagradable siempre que exista una oportunidad transaccional pragmática para posicionarse en una cabeza de playa tan fundamental. En consecuencia, considerando la profundidad de su participación en Venezuela, un cambio de régimen en Caracas, ya sea a través de un golpe de Estado, una guerra civil o una “revolución de color”, sería perjudicial para la agenda geopolítica regional de Moscú y un revés para su reputación como país. eficaz protector de sus asediados aliados.

Traducción al español -> Google Translación

Corrosive capital can take many forms, but the outcome is always the same. The erosion of democratic foundations and the predatory exploitation of regulatory and governance gaps in the public and private sectors of the recipient country. The implications could define the fate of a region. It is of absolute importance to distinguish if financing, whether state or private, is corrosive or constructive.China’s economic and political influence in Latin America is steadily increasing. To discuss this, the premier organizations working with the private sector and local governments in Latin America and the Caribbean, CIPE and AS/COA, are pleased to invite you to attend an event focusing on the impact of Chinese corrosive capital on host communities.  Full Text -> CIPE/AS/COA

Traducción de cortesía ->

El capital corrosivo puede adoptar muchas formas, pero el resultado es siempre el mismo. La erosión de los cimientos democráticos y la explotación predatoria de las brechas regulatorias y de gobernanza en los sectores público y privado del país receptor. Las implicaciones podrían definir el destino de una región. Es de absoluta importancia distinguir si la financiación, ya sea estatal o privada, es corrosiva o constructiva. La influencia económica y política de China en América Latina aumenta constantemente. Para discutir esto, las principales organizaciones que trabajan con el sector privado y los gobiernos locales en América Latina y el Caribe, CIPE y AS / COA, se complacen en invitarlo a asistir a un evento que se centra en el impacto del capital corrosivo chino en las comunidades anfitrionas.